Parental leave or family leave are employee benefits available in almost all countries. The term "parental leave" generally includes maternity leave, father, and adoption. The difference between "maternity leave" and "parental leave" is sometimes made maternity leave as the mother's leave time directly before and after childbirth and parental leave is the time given to care for the newborn. In some countries and jurisdictions, "family leave" also includes leave provided for caring for sick family members. Often, the minimum benefits and eligibility requirements are established by law.
Unpaid parental or family leave is provided when the employer is required to hold the employee's job while the employee takes a leave of absence. A paid parent or family leave provides paid leave time to care for or make arrangements for the welfare of a dependent child or family member. The three most common funding models are social insurance/social security (where employees, employers, or taxpayers generally contribute to certain public funds), employer liabilities (where employers have to pay employees for a period of leave), and a mix of policies that combines both social security and employer obligations.
Parental leave has been available as a legal and/or governmental program for many years, in one form or another. In 2014, the International Labor Organization review parental leave policies in 185 countries and territories, and found that all countries except Papua New Guinea have laws that require some form of parental leave. A different study showed that of the 186 countries examined, 96% offered some money to mothers during the leave, but only 81 countries offered the same to fathers. The United States, Suriname, Papua New Guinea, and some island nations in the Pacific Ocean are the only countries that do not require employers to provide time off for new parents.
Private entrepreneurs sometimes provide one or both unpaid parental leave and are paid outside or in addition to any legal mandate.
Video Parental leave
Model ekonomi
Manfaat cuti orang tua berbayar universal
Pendekatan kapabilitas
Jeremiah Carter and Martha Nussbaum have developed a political model known as the Ability approach, where basic freedoms and opportunities are included in the economic assessment of a country's well-being, other than GDP. Nussbaum proposed 11 central capabilities as a minimum requirement for a viable society. In the Nussbaum model, states must provide resources and freedom to ensure people have the opportunity to reach the minimum threshold of any central capability. Universal, paid parental leave is an example of a resource state that can provide so people have the option of starting a family while also working; for example, under capacity 10 (control of one's environment), the state has a responsibility to ensure everyone has "the right to seek employment on an equal basis with others."
Gender equality
The advancement of gender equality has also been the political agenda of the Nordic countries for decades. Although, all Nordic countries have extended the period of total leave, their politics against the father's quota is different. Iceland and Norway have set a similar 3-month quota for their father. In Sweden, 90 days can not be transferred from one parent to another - that is. every parent gets at least 90 days parental leave, so quotas apply equally to both parents and not specific dads. The only Nordic country that does not give a quota father is Denmark. However, the dual caregiver/nanny model seems to be the direction of all Nordic nations moving in the construction of their parental leave system.
Revenue and labor
Parental leave paid gives incentives for labor market attachment for women both before and after birth, affecting GDP and national productivity, due to greater labor. Parental leave increases income at the household level, too, by supporting multiple income families.
Paid parental leave gives birth incentives, which affect future workforce. Thinking that paid parental leave, in contrast to unpaid parental leave, is dangerous for the welfare of children because in countries with an aging labor force or countries with Sub-substitutes for fertility, children are not born because parents want children and can meet the needs of children but because children are expected to support their parents. Some see children responsible for supporting everyone in the older generation of the community (not just the child-only parent); their income is expected not to be kept for the children's old age, but to spend on previous generations demand for social security and pensions where there is inadequate savings.
The challenge for universal leave, paid
Statistical discrimination
The labor market neoclassical model predicts that if the cost of hiring women of childbearing age is expected to increase (either because employers are mandated to pay maternity leave, or because they will not work on public leave), the "demand" for women in the labor market will decline. While gender discrimination is illegal, without some type of drug, neoclassical models will predict "statistical discrimination" against recruitment of women of childbearing age.
Sex segregation
If women take long parental leaves, neoclassical models will predict that their lifetime earnings and opportunities for promotion will be less than their male counterpart or child, or "mother penalty". Women can look for a "family-friendly" job sector (that is, under generous parental leave policy), which results in sex segregation. Nielsen, Simonsen, and Verner examined what different outcomes for women in Denmark were between "family-friendly" and "unfriendly family" sectors. In Denmark, the public sector is "family friendly" because of the great benefits and benefits of employees; workers decide which sectors to work on based on their preferences and opportunities. The study found that while in the "family-friendly" sector, there is basically no wage loss associated with taking parental leave, women have consistent income losses in the private sector "non-family friendly" for a year's leave.
Cost
Universal, paid parental leave can be personally funded (that is, the company is mandated to absorb the cost of the parent's time paid as part of an employee benefit) or publicly funded (ie, transferred directly to a worker on leave, such as unemployment insurance). Concerns about private funding include the statistical discrimination described above as well as costs for small businesses. Datta Gupta, Smith, & amp; Verneer discovered in 2008 that, although publicly funded parental leave has benefits, it is very expensive to fund and question whether it is the most cost-effective use of funds.
Criticism of' Father Quota '
Social norms have historically excluded parenting in the father's primary duties. However, in some countries, especially in the west, countries, politicians, and social scientists argue to change the roles of fathers, and the notion of 'new dad' has been specifically shaped by Scandinavian Nordic countries. This process allows fathers to rationalize their parenting style and align this with what characterizes good care. Although the mother's role as a primary parent does not change, parental leave is demanded by her supporters to change the traditionally gender-based dad's practices and create social morality in relation to spouses and children. Some, however, consider that the positive effects of male parental leave are not supported by research, and warn that it may have negative effects. Norwegian psychology professor Leif Edward Ottesen Kennair believes that father's quota can not be maintained from a psychological point of view, and argues that "we should at least ask ourselves what the consequences are when we create a childhood environment different from what our species possesses. evolved into. "He believed that his father's quota was" ideologically based, and only on a very limited level of knowledge, "arguing that it was" a social experiment, whose impact is unknown. " Other psychological perspectives summarize the evidence and find that the father's role in child development is very similar to that of a mother, which contradicts the idea that greater father involvement in parenting can lead to substantial and potentially harmful consequences. It should also be considered that fathers of different classes see their roles as alternatives during their father's leave. While middle-class fathers consider themselves an appropriate alternative for mothers of the same competence, working-class men see themselves as more supporters as they go. Therefore, middle-class fathers mostly use their leave after mothers return to work, while the working class fathers do their leave during maternity leave.
Maps Parental leave
Parental leave effects
Typically, parental leave effects are improvements in prenatal and postnatal care, including decreased infant mortality. Effects of parental leave in the labor market include increased employment, wage changes, and fluctuations in returning employee levels. Leave the law can also affect the fertility rate.
Effects on the labor market
A study in Germany found that wages declined 18 percent each year that an employee spent on parental leave. However, after the initial wage decline, employee salaries rise faster than the salary of someone who does not offer parental leave. A study of the California leave policy, the first state in the US that requires employers to offer parental leave, shows that wages are increasing.
Parental leave can lead to greater job security. Different studies in this case help return to work after taking leave. Some research indicates that if a parent goes more than a year after the birth of a child, it reduces the likelihood that he or she will return. Another study of shorter leave periods suggests that parents no longer need to quit their jobs to care for their children, so the rate of return on work increases.
It does not appear that parental leave policies have a significant effect on the gender wage gap, which has remained relatively stable since the late 1980s, despite the increasing adoption of parental leave policies.
Maternity leave and its impact
In the US, while the Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993 allows unpaid parental leave, parents often do not take advantage of this feasibility to the greatest extent because it is inaccessible. As a result, some research indicates that FMLA has a limited impact on how many new parents go. Although a certain amount may vary, having a child (including high quality child care fees) costs a family of about $ 11,000 in the first year. This high cost contributes to new mothers in the United States who return to work faster than new mothers in European countries; about a third of women in the United States go back to work within three months of giving birth, compared to about five percent in Britain, Germany and Sweden, and more than half of mothers in the United States with a child under one job.
There is some evidence that legislation for parental leave increases the likelihood of women returning to their previous jobs rather than finding new jobs. The increase is expected to fall to between 10% and 17%. At the same time, there is a decrease in the percentage of women finding new jobs falling between 6% and 11%. Thus, the law appears to increase how many women return to postpartum work by about 3% or 4%.
In addition, it appears that parental leave policies do allow women to stay home longer before returning to work because the chances of returning to old jobs fall in the second month after childbirth before rising dramatically in the third month. Although this law appears to have minimal influence on women who choose to take time off, this seems to increase women's time taking leave.
Regulation of maternity leave may cause benefits or endanger the employer. The potential for major drawbacks of mandated leave is its potential to disrupt productive activities by increasing employee absenteeism. With mandated leave for a period of time and facing a prolonged mother's absence at work, the company will be faced with two options: renting temp (which may involve training costs) or working with lost employees. Alternatively, these policies can be positive for entrepreneurs who previously did not offer time off because they were concerned about attracting employees who tend to be disproportionate to using maternity leave. Thus, there is potential for this policy to correct market failures. However, the drawbacks of increased leave at the community level are reduced supply of female labor. In countries with high labor demand, including many countries today with aging populations, less labor supply is not profitable.
The important thing to note for all the research cited above is that the results usually depend on how the coverage of leave is defined, and whether the policy is unpaid or paid leave. Policies that guarantee leave payments are considered by some to be dramatically more effective than unpaid leave policies.
For women individually, long breaks in work, as will come from parental leave, negatively affect their careers. Longer gaps are associated with lower lifetime earnings and lower pension disbursements and worsening career prospects and reduced earnings. Because of this weakness, some countries, especially Norway, have expanded family policy initiatives to increase the father's quota and expand childcare in order to work toward greater gender equality.
According to a 2016 study, the expansion of government-funded maternity leave in Norway from 18 to 35 months causes mothers to spend more time at home without a reduction in family income.
Paternity leave and impact
Although parental leave is increasingly given to the father, the mother still takes most of the parental leave guarantees. When leave insurance has not been paid, research shows that the use of male leave is not affected. Although not common on a world scale, some countries do reserve part of paid leave for dad, which means it can not be transferred to the mother and irregularities unless he uses it. Among the earliest countries that actively encouraged increased use of paternity leave were the Nordic welfare states, beginning with Sweden making a neutral gender leave paternal in 1974 and soon followed by Iceland, Denmark, Norway and Finland. These countries do not have the same concept of paternity leave, each imposing a variety of conditions, ratios, and time spans, but is regarded as one of the most generous in the world.
Partly in an initiative to combat "maternal penalties," Norway in 1993 initiated a policy change to provide incentives for paternal leave, called "father quota", and Sweden followed it in 1995. This meant a number of parental leave days. can only be used by the father, and if not lost. In countries where leave entitlements include a father's quota there is a real impact, with quotas credited for increasing father involvement and a challenging gender role in the family, promoting a more equitable division of labor. To evaluate this change, RÃÆ'¸nsen & amp; KitterÃÆ'¸d looks at the extent and timing of women's return to work after childbirth, and the effect on this new parental leave policy. In their 2015 study, RÃÆ'¸nsen & amp; KitterÃÆ'¸d finds women in Norway back to work significantly faster after policy changes. However, general or subsidized child care is greatly expanded at the same time, so RÃÆ'¸nsen & amp; KitterÃÆ'¸d did not find that the "father quota" was entirely responsible for the time of entry. But it can be understood that it affects the division of domestic labor by sex when both parents can take time to care for a new baby.
Another effect of fathers who take on more leaves is that in Norway, it has been shown to have the potential to decrease or increase the time women need, depending on whether maternal and paternal care is seen as a substitute or complement. If the substitute goods, the mother can return to work faster because the father took some care of the child's responsibility. As for the latter, longer leave for the father can motivate the mother to also stay at home.
Fathers tend to use less parental leave than mothers in the United States and in other countries where paid leave is available, and this difference may have other factors than financial constraints that affect both parents. Bygren and Duvander, looking at the use of parental leave by fathers in Sweden, concluded that the characteristics of the father's workplace (including the size of the workplace, whether there are more men or women in the workplace, and whether the workplace is part of the private or public sector) parental leave for dad, as well as the presence of another man who has taken parental leave at a previous point in time. In 2016, paternity leave accounts for 25% of paid parental leave in Sweden.
Length of leave
In 2013, Joseph, PailhÃÆ'Â ©, Recotillet, and Solaz published a natural experiment evaluating policy changes in 2004 in France. They are interested in the economic effects of paid-up parental leave. Before the reform, women must take two months mandatory leave, and could take up to three years of unpaid parental leave with their jobs guaranteed, although most women only take two months. The new policy,
Rasmussen performed a similar natural experiment analysis in Denmark with a policy change in 1984 in which parental leave increased from 14 to 20 weeks. Rasmussen found that an increase in parental leave did not negatively affect women's wages or work, and in the short term (ie, 12 months) it had a positive effect on women's wages, compared with shorter leave. There is no difference in long-term outcomes of children before and after policy changes.
Effects on health and development
A Harvard report mentions that studies showing paid maternity leave "facilitate breastfeeding and reduce the risk of infection" but are not related to changes in immunization rates. The study also found that countries with parental leave had lower infant mortality rates. Returning to work in 12 weeks was also associated with a less regular medical examination. Data from 16 European countries during the period 1969-1994 revealed that the decline in infant mortality varies based on length of leave. 10 week leave is associated with a 1-2% reduction; 20 weeks leave with 2-4%; and 30 weeks with 7-9%. The United States, which has no paid parental leave, is ranked 56th in the world by 2014 in terms of infant mortality rate, with 6.17 deaths per 1,000 births per child. This study found no infant health benefits in countries with unpaid parental leave.
Paid leave, especially when available before delivery, has a significant effect on birth weight. The frequency of low birth rates declining under these policies that may contribute to decreasing infant mortality due to low birth weight is strongly correlated with infant mortality. However, careful analysis reveals that increased birth weight is not the only reason for a decline in mortality.
According to a 2016 study, the expansion of government-funded maternity leave in Norway from 18 to 35 months has little effect on children's schools. However, when the baby's bonds and needs are met quickly by the caregiver (mother, father, etc.) they will become confident and ready to have a healthy relationship throughout their life.
Children whose mothers did not work within the first 9 months were found to be less ready for school by age 3. The effects of mother's work seem to be the most disadvantageous when work begins between the sixth and ninth months. The reasons for this are uncertain but there is a suspicion that there is something unusual for a group of mothers who return to work in this period because they represent only 5% of all families studied. The negative impact in school readiness is most prominent when the mother works at least 30 hours per week. This finding is complicated by many factors, including race, poverty, and how sensitive a mother is. The effect is also greater in boys as explained by the fact that many analysts consider boys to be more vulnerable to stress early in life.
The same Harvard report also links paid parental leave and the child's psychological health. It was found that parents with paid parental leave had stronger ties with their children. Based on the research of heterosexual couples, better father immersion in the process of child rearing leads to improved child development and further enhances the relationship between both parents. In recent years, OECD countries have drawn attention to the topic, especially when parental leave is taken by the father. Short-term father leaves still lead to positive outcomes for child development. However, because usually the higher income level of the leaves of the male mother is preferred over the leaves of the father because the family loses little income when the mother goes to work.
There are also observable improvements in the mental health of the mother when they can return to work later. While the possibility of postpartum depression has no statistically significant change, longer leave (leaving more than 10 weeks) is associated with a decrease in the severity of depression and a decrease in the number of symptoms experienced. This decrease, on average, between 5% and 10%.
Although studies show conflicting results, several studies have shown an association between paid parental leave and higher fertility rates. The study looked at women aged 25-34, who were more likely to be influenced by leave legislation. The fertility rate peaked for them between 25-29 and 30-34 in European countries.
Effects on the economy
The economic consequences of parental leave policies are subject to controversy. According to a study of 2016, the expansion of government-funded maternity leave in Norway from 18 to 35 months has a net cost of 0.25% of GDP, a property of a negative redistribution and implies a substantial increase in taxes with costs for economic efficiency. In the US, paid family leave tends to lead to higher levels of employee retention and higher income for families. Evidence from certain countries in Western Europe suggests that moderate parental leave levels may encourage mothers to reenter the workforce after having children, promoting national economic development.
Personal parental leave
Some businesses adopt policies that benefit workers and public opinion. In their study of maternity leave policies in the United States, Kelly and Dobbin found that public policy about pregnancy as a temporary disability (for example, the Temporary Family Disability Insurance Program of California) raises business practices that include maternity leave as a benefit.
Companies began offering paid parental leave as a benefit to some American workers, looking at the beneficial aspects of doing so, including: reducing turnover costs, increasing worker productivity, and increasing retention rates among women after childbirth. Some people see an increase in paid parental leave as an indication of companies reaching women, as more women work and return to work after having children, and thus these companies generate positive publicity as an employer with a family-friendly workplace. Mother orking Mother published magazine's list of 100 Best Companies for mothers working each year, a list not only read by magazine readers but also by American companies and increasingly by researchers and policy agencies as well. The Institute for Women's Policy Research [4] issued a report in 2009 that prompted Congress to give four-week federal workers paid parental leave. The report cites statistics from the 100 Best Company's Working Mother list, using private sector companies as an example of a substantial increase in new mom retention after instituting longer maternity leave policies. The report also notes that it will take a new worker four years to get enough paid leave (sick leave and annual leave) to match the 12 weeks unpaid parental leave provided under FMLA, and that private sector companies offering parental leave paid has a significant advantage over the federal government in the recruitment and retention of young workers who may wish to have children.
In February 2018, multinational companies such as Deloitte, TIAA, and Cisco provided parental leave regardless of the gender of parents.
Variations in international law
The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women introduced "paid maternity leave or with comparable social benefits without loss of prior employment, seniority or social benefits". The C 183 Childbirth Protection Convention adopted in 2000 by the International Labor Organization requires 14 weeks maternity leave as a minimum requirement.
National laws vary widely according to the politics of their respective jurisdictions. In 2012, only three countries do not mandate the time paid for new parents: Papua New Guinea, Lesotho, and the United States.
Unless otherwise specified, the information in the table below is compiled from the latest International Labor Organization report. Maternity leave refers to the legal protection afforded to the mother immediately after her birth (but may also include the period before birth), father leave for legal protection given to the father immediately after mother childbearing and parental leave to protect childcare time (usually for both parents) either after maternity leave or immediately after birth (eg when parents are not eligible for maternity leave/paternity , and/or where time is calculated until the child is of a certain age - therefore excluding maternity leave - usually such jurisdiction protects the work until the child reaches a certain age.) Others allow parental leave to be transferred to part-time work. Parental leave is generally available to both parents, unless specified. Let marked "Unpaid" indicates work is protected for the duration of the leave. Different countries have different rules regarding eligibility for leave, and parents must work in their workplace before delivery before they qualify for paid leave. In the European Union, policies vary significantly by country - with regard to length, repayment, and how parental leave relates to maternity leave - but EU members must adhere to the minimum standards of the Pregnant and Parental Leave Directive Guidelines.
Africa
America
Asia/Pacific Asia/Pacific Asia/PacificEurope and Central Asia
Parental leave policy at UN
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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